Thomas Foulds Ellsworth Ipswich MA Hero & Medal of Honor

Melissa Berry and Laurie Short Jarvis sharing Archives & Memorabilia Captain Thomas Ellsworth was one of four soldiers who earned the Medal of Honor for heroism during the battle at Honey Hill, South Carolina, on November 30, 1864. Under a heavy fire he carried his wounded commanding officer from the field, thereby saving his life and preventing him from being captured.

Thomas Fouls Ellsworth was born in Ipswich, MA November 12, 1840. He was the son of Benjamin Noyes Ellsworth (1812-1902) and Laura Ann Titus (1810-) daughter of John Smith Titus (1780-1868) and Sally Boyton (1784-1871). Laura was formerly married to Timothy Jewett Ellsworth of Salem, MA. (see records below) More family photos end of post Benjamin N Ellsworth son of William Ellsworth and Esther Noyes. Pictures of Benjamin Noyes Ellsworth and Laura Ann Titus below from Short family and Ipswich History

This is an early photo of Benjamin Ellsworth standing in front of the Ipswich lighthouse. Benjamin Ellsworth was keeper at the Ipswich Range Lights from 1861 until 1902. He was appointed by Abe Lincoln. The lighthouse was taken down and moved in 1939.

Thomas married Harriet Taylor Colby March 6 1861. Harriet born November 1 1841, was the daughter of George Curwin Ward Colby (Isaac4, Isaac3, Isaac2, Anthony1) and Harriet Kitchen
George married first Dorothy B. Philbrook, daughter of Simeon Philbrook on March 27, 1825. The family lived on the present Arthur Taylor place and then removed to Newburyport, MA.  George was a truckman and had extensive business for several years. The house was located on 62 Middle Street. Dorothy died Sept. 12, 1831, and he married Harriet Kitchen/Kitching April 27, 1832.

Harriet Taylor Colby Ellsworth

                                                       
Thomas and Harriet Children:
Elmer Foulds Ellsworth Born October 10^th 1862 Massachusetts, Died November 28^th 1915 in Pasadena, California.
Herbert Lee.  Born in Newburyport , Mass. October 19^th  1866, Died Pasadena March 31^st 1963 m  Mary Elizabeth Geyer
Alfred Hartwell. Born February 2^nd 1868 Ipswich, Mass.  Died December 27^th 1932 in Pasadena, Calif. 
Edward Kinsley., b May 20, 1871
Susie Taylor, b. June 15, 1874. Death April 1881 in (Scarlet Fever)
Info from "History of Sanbornton, New Hampshire, Volume 2" By Moses Thurston Runnels

Saturday, October 3, 1874 Boston Daily Advertiser

 

Back of photo recorded by Laurie Short Jarvis  GGG Uncle Captain Thomas Foulds Ellsworth, son of Benjamin Noyes Ellsworth (Ipswich lighthouse keeper during the 2nd half of the 1800's) Received the Congressional Medal of Honor for saving the life of his wounded commanding office who was trapped under his horse at the Battle of Honey Hill. He was in the 55th Black Infantry out of Mass, referred to as the 'overflow unit' for the infamous 54th of "Glory' fame. The men from the 55th were moved into the 54th after the 54th received heavy casualties. The 54th and 55th fought side by side at Honey Hill. Was wounded at Gettysbury 2/3/1863

Thomas was wounded in the ankle at Gettysburg July 3, 1863, but not considered disabled so he reenlisted. He was discharged January 19, 1864 on receiving commission of of second lieutenant in the 55th Massachusetts October 4, 1863. He became first lieutenant June 20, 1864 for his bravery and promoted to Captain December 1, 1864. He was awarded one of our country’s top honors for saving the life of his commanding officer in the battle of Honey Hill in 1864. Under heavy fire, and at great risk to his own life, he carried his wounded commanding officer from the field of battle. Ellsworth had joined the Union Army’s Second Massachusetts Volunteers as a private while still in his early twenties and went on to see action in numerous battles including Chancellorsville and Gettysburg.  He was promoted to an officer due to his reputation for bravery under fire. Ellsworth faced a major challenge when he was selected to serve as an officer of a company in one of the first regiments made up of “colored soldiers” in the Union Army, the Massachusetts 55. This regiment struggled to get the respect and support that they deserved, but went on to gain distinction for their valiant actions in battle in South Carolina. After the war, Ellsworth worked for many years as an officer of the Boston Custom House. In the 1890s, he moved to burgeoning city of Pasadena where he and his son ran a successful contracting business. He also organized Post 100 of the Grand Army of the Republic Friday July 16, 1869 in Ipswich.

Medal of Honor Valor Awards Earned The Medal of Honor During the Civil War For heroism November 30, 1864 at Honey Hill, SC

From Record of the service of the Forty-fourth Massachusetts Volunteer Militia in North Carolina, August 1862 to May 1863

HISTORY OF 55th MASSACHUSETTS VOLUNTEER INFANTRY  by Katherine Dhalle
Copyright 1995. LWF Publications. Posted from Lest We Forget, Volume 3 - Number 2, April, 1995.
So much has been written recently about Colonel Robert Gould Shaw and the 54th Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry. The movie “Glory” brought their story to the silver-screen and enhanced our historical and cultural awareness of the role black soldiers played in the Civil War. Yet few people know that there was a sister regiment to the 54th - - the 55th Massachusetts. Even fewer know that the 55th trained at the same camp as the 54th and like her sister regiment, went without pay for nearly 18 months. Ironically, on July 18, 1863, just hours before the 54th Massachusetts launched its historic, ill-fated charge on Fort Wagner in far-away South Carolina, the 55th was presented its regimental colors by Massachusetts Governor John A. Andrew. Both regiments would experience the same bigotry at the hands of the government and their fellow soldiers, and both regiments would eventually be brigaded together and would fight and die, side by side at Honey Hill, South Carolina on November 30, 1864.

In January of 1863, after the incorporation of the Emancipation Proclamation, Governor Andrew asked for and received permission from the War Department to recruit a Negro regiment for the Union Army. Recruiting efforts began in earnest when George Stearns, a friend of the Governor’s formed a string of recruiting stations across the northern states. To complete his endeavor, he enlisted the help of John Mercer Langston. Langston was so successful in his assignment that when more men that necessary showed up for enlistment, the 55th Massachusetts was formed. Everywhere Langston went, he found “colored men enthusiastic for the Union, and ready and anxious to prove their loyalty by their deeds.” From Ohio alone, a total of 222 men enlisted in the 55th - - “a number almost twice as large as Pennsylvania and far greater than any other northern state.”

Recruits for the 55th began arriving at Camp Meigs in Readville and they immediately moved into the barracks recently vacated by the 2nd Massachusetts Cavalry. Norwood Penrose Hallowell and Alfred Stedman Hartwell were designated Colonel and Lieutenant Colonel respectively, both having been promoted from the already-formed 54th. Charles B. Fox of the 2nd Massachusetts was promoted to Major.

On May 28th, Robert Gould Shaw and the 54th Massachusetts left Boston and marched into history. That same day, “the recruits of the 55th were transferred to the barracks thus vacated, and the routine of drill and discipline began” and continued until July 21st when orders were received for the 55th Massachusetts to embark for Newbern, North Carolina.

The regiment had originally been ordered to proceed to New York, but the recent Draft Riots in that city curtailed any such plans. “Owing to the excited state of the public mind, and a heavy shower, which commenced before the column reached the wharf, the comtemplated review by the Governor on the Common was omitted. The regiment marched through Boston with loaded muskets and fixed bayonets and five rounds of ball cartridges per man.”

Shortly after their arrival in North Carolina, news came of the severe repulse of General Gilmore’s forces at Fort Wagner and the 55th was ordered to report to Folly Island, next to Morris Island. For over six months the regiment was at work in the trenches on Morris Island, and on picket duty and fatigue duty. It was this duty that in September of 1863, led to the Confederate evacuation of Forts Wagner and Gregg as well as the construction of the “Swamp Angel” battery. On this battery was erected a 200 pounder Parrott gun which was used to shell the City of Charleston.

On September 24th, Colonel Hallowell left for the North on a 30 day furlough to receive treatment for an old wound in his arm that he had received at the Battle of Antietam. He would not return to the regiment and was obliged to resign his commission. Alfred Hartwell and Charles Fox were soon mustered in as Colonel and Lieutenant Colonel with Sigourney Wales as Major.

Ab out this time, rumors regarding the pay of the regiment’s enlisted men began circulating the camp. When first organized, the 54th and 55th had been assured by both the War Department and Governor Andrew that they would “receive the same pay, rations, and clothing,” as white troops.5 However, the men were offered the sum of only $10.00 per month, less $3.00 for clothing allowance. “The enlisted men refused almost unanimously to receive this offer, preferring to await a decision of the War Department, or the action of Congress, to give them their just dues."

Governor Andrew pressed the issue of a supplemental pay act and this law passed the Massachusetts Legislature on November 16th. On December 11, 1863, Major Sturges, paymaster for the state and Mr. Edward W. Kinsley, a Boston merchant arrived at the camp on Folly Island to offer the men the difference between the $10.00 a month, and the promised $13.00...but the men respectfully declined it. “They felt that their manhood was at stake. They were regarded as good enough to be killed and wounded, and to work in the trenches side by side with white soldiers, so they said they would wait until they got their dues."

In February of 1864, the regiment was ordered to Jacksonville, Florida to join an expedition under General Truman Seymour. On February 19th, six companies of the 55th were marched out approximately 13 miles in the support of Seymour’s forces (the 54th among them), who on the 29th, would fight and lose the Battle of Olustee. At no time was the 55th engaged and on the 22nd, the entire regiment would return to Jacksonville and later be moved to Palatka, Florida.

From that camp on April 7th, Colonel Hartwell wrote to his old friend Edward Kinsley: “I can hardly write, talk, eat or sleep, I am so anxious and indignant that pay is not forthcoming, or official assurance of pay, for my men. Can anything be done to hasten this thing? No man staying home can imagine how great and terrible is the wrong done these men, and the distress they suffer. I do all I can to make things right, and there is a great deal to almost discourage us. The wives of the men, they say, often reduced to degradation that drives the husbands almost crazy. Leave nothing undone; my dear sir, to get us the greenbacks very soon.” Upon the regiment’s return to Folly Island, Colonel Hartwell attempted to gain approval to go North in an attempt to pursue the pay issue. He left for Hilton Head on April 25th but would return to camp on the 28th having failed in his endeavor.

Because of the refusal of the Government to settle the pay issue, morale within the unit was faltering. Several mutinous disturbances among the enlisted men occurred that discouraged Hartwell even further. To counter-act these problems, he proposed the commissioning of men of African descent to the grade of 2nd Lieutenant. On May 24th, 1st Sergeant John Freeman Shorter was commissioned 2nd Lieutenant by Governor Andrew but the Department Commander, General John P. Hatch refuse to accept his discharge as Sergeant and muster as Lieutenant because ‘men of African descent could not be commissioned in the United States Volunteers.’

On June 5th Hartwell once again traveled to Hilton Head to gain permission to go to Washington regarding the pay issue. Armed with a letter of introduction from the Post Commander, Hartwell met with with General Foster who chose to send Colonel Edward Needles Hallowell (picture below) of the 54th Massachusetts in his place.

Further frustrated by the receipt of anonymous threatening letters from the enlisted men, Colonel Hartwell took it upon himself to pen the following letter on June 13th to the Secretary of War: “Sir: Application is respectfully made that this Regiment be mustered out of the service of the United States, for the reason that the men have not been paid according to the contract made by the Government.” Shortly after, Hartwell received a reply from Major J. F. Anderson, Aide-DE-Camp of General Foster: “General Foster is in receipt of your favor of the 13th inst., and directs me to inform you that...he considers the letter to the Secretary of War as ill-timed. The General Commanding is afraid that your letters show an inclination to make trouble, or at least appears that your course is not calculated to allay the existing difficulties.”11

On July 2nd, the 55th was brigaded with the 103rd New York and the 33rd U.S.C.T. and ordered to attack Fort Lamar, a large Rebel earthwork fortification on James Island, South Carolina. Although the Fort was not taken during this skirmish, (known as the Battle of River’s Causeway), two brass 12-pound Napoleon guns were captured by the 55th from a Confederate artillery group that had been stationed about a mile in front of Lamar. These guns were returned to Folly Island and permission was received from the Commanding General to have them placed in front of the 55th’s headquarters, where they remained for a long time as trophies.

August 22, 1864 finally brought the pay issue to a close. Word was officially received that all colored troops were to receive equal pay “from January 1, 1864, and providing for payment on the same basis, from date of enlistment, of all enlisted previous to that date who were free ‘on or before April 21, 1861,’ to which latter fact each man was required to make oath.” The task of administering the oath fell to Lt. Colonel Fox. He wrote of his experience: “Never may I have such another three hours experience. I felt that I must not fail and I knew that no two companies could be treated alike...I had to use all the little eloquence I was master of to try to turn them from selfish thoughts of themselves...to the thousands of their brethren in the living death of slavery, until the last man raised his hand, saying with tears and bred a freeman to submit to such a humiliation.”13 In the end, only a few men refused to take the oath, more out of stubbornness that principle and only two or three acknowledged having been slaves.

For the regiment, October 7th turned out to be a banner day, the day they were all finally paid off. The process took three days to complete and when it was finally completed the men had sent home to their families the amount of over $60,000. As well, “it is not known that in a single case any man present with the regiment failed to repay his debts.”

On October 18th Colonel Hartwell left for the North on a 30 day furlough. During his absence, the regiment continued at Folly Island until November 23rd, when instructions were received from General Hatch to be ready to move at a moment’s notice. The expected expedition was to be the destruction of the Charleston and Savannah Railroad and then an advance on the village of Grahamville which would leave Savannah and Charleston vulnerable. When the regiment arrived at Hilton Head on November 28th, Colonel Hartwell was there to meet them. He had been appointed to command a brigade consisting of the 54th and 55th Massachusetts as well as the 102nd and 26th U.S.C.T.

The Battle of Honey Hill, South Carolina, took place on November 30, 1864. In Hartwell’s words: “We landed at Boyd’s Neck, and at daylight next morning started for the railroad. After Marching a few miles and encountering slight opposition from the enemy, we came upon them, heavily entrenched behind an earthwork, and a battery of field pieces.” Hartwell continues: “The leading brigade had been driven back, when I was ordered in with a portion of my brigade; and I was also knocked out. I was hit first in the hand just before making a charge, then my horse was killed under me, and I was hit afterwards several times while they were taking me to the rear. One of my aides, Captain Crane, was killed, and another, Lieutenant Hill was blown from his horse by a concussion of a shell and taken to the rear.” During the furious fight, the Color-bearer was shot and killed and it was Private Andrew Jackson Smith (later promoted to Color- Sergeant), who would retrieve and save both the State and Federal flags.

 Corporal Andrew Jackson Smith of the 55th

De spite the fact that the expedition and its goal was unattained, Savannah would be taken by Sherman in December. The coastal railroad would survive less than two months, Grahamville would burn, and Charleston would fall. To the men of the 55th, “this engagement gave the opportunity which the Fifty-Fourth Massachusetts had at Fort Wagner, of proving that a black regiment, well disciplined and well officered, could behave as gallantly under fire as the best troops in the service.”

While Colonel Hartwell was recuperating from his wounds, the 55th stayed encamped at Boyd’s Landing until January 11, 1865, when the men were ordered to board steamers and head for Fort Thunderbolt near Savannah. During his convalescence, Hartwell had been Breveted a Brigadier General for his bravery at Honey Hill. Now, on the 30th of January, the regiment was pleasantly surprised at his arrival at the camp.

February 10th would find Hartwell and the 55th involved in yet another attack on James Island. Known as the Battle of Grimball’s Causeway or the Last Fight for Charleston, each side would retreat after the brief skirmish with no sufficient gains made.

On February 18th, news was received that Confederate General Hardee had evacuated Charleston. The 55th was ordered to bring up the rear of the advancing Union troops on their way to occupy this seat of secession. Along the way, the regiment was ordered to forage for cattle and to supervise the large numbers of contrabands who joined in the march. “After a few days upon Sullivan’s Island, we were transferred to Charleston. We landed just before sunset and I [Hartwell] had the pleasure of marching through Charleston with a brigade at the head of which was the Negro regiment, the 55th Massachusetts.”

In the latter part of February, and all of March and April, the regiment was involved in Expeditions into the interior of South Carolina to ascertain the number of enemy forces that might still be in the area. During this time, the 55th was ordered to rebuild several bridges over the Santee and Biggin Creeks. Two companies of the regiment participated in the rescue of four members of the 54th New York who had been captured by rebel cavalry at Moncks Corner, South Carolina. As well, the entire regiment would be placed on call as a reserve unit to back up General Potter’s movements within the interior and they would also return to James Island. Since the Confederates had recently evacuated the area, the 55th Massachusetts was responsible to visit, garrison, and dismantle all the rebel guns at the line of batteries on the island.

O n May 1, 1865, Hartwell was placed in command of a brigade consisting of the 25th Ohio, 55th Massachusetts, 102nd U.S.C.T., and a section of Battery B of the 3rd New York Artillery. This brigade was ordered to Orangeburg, South Carolina, and would be a part of the Northern District, Department of the South. Their assignments consisted of provost duties, giving the oath of allegiance to civilians and paroled southern soldiers, and setting up a Commission on Labor to ensure that ex-masters and freedmen entered into equitable contracts for work and remuneration.

 2nd Lieut. William H. Dupree, 1865 Of The Renowned 55th Massachusetts Dupree was one of the three fully commissioned black officers of the 55th Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry. The chaplain of the famous regiment called Dupree and his two fellow black officers, “Three as worthy men as ever carried a gun.” They were promoted from the ranks in 1864 but the army refused to muster them in as officers until the end of the war.

While all of this was going on, the contracts between the black soldiers and the government was still unsettled for those Sergeants who had been commissioned but not mustered as 2nd Lieutenants. But things were to change, for on the 22nd and 28th of June, Sergeants John F. Shorter, William Dupree and James M. Trotter were finally mustered into the regiments as 2nd Lieutenants. However, despite this bit of goodness, Trotter wrote: “There in much feeling in the Regiment among the officers against these promotions of colored men in Regiments with white officers; but all the best officers are in favor of it...Some talk of resigning on account of these promotions. I cannot say that they will do so...I do not know how it will all turn out, but Dupree and I will try to do our duty as officers let prejudice be as great as it may.”

On the same day, Hartwell penned the following to Governor Andrew: “The colored Sergeants are mustered. The result is now uncertain...I propose to await the resignation of officers who have declaimed against this action of the government, and then if I find their influence not for the best and that the policy of having colored officers is not to be adopted by the government, I shall recommend them to resign for their own good and the good of the regiment.”

Fortunately, General Hartwell never had to ask for the resignation of these black officers and the regiment was mustered out of service August 29, 1865. The war that had taken so many lives had also seen fit to form many survivors into the leaders of a new, reunited country. Despite frustrations, disappointments, obstacles, and restrictions, the men of the 55th bore their military office well. Instead of retreating in the face of adversity, whether it be the enemy, their fellow officers, or their own government, they continued in their quest to promote freedom and preserve the Union at all costs. For this they deserve our unending respect and admiration. As well, the brave men of the regiment, both black and white, who fought side by side, and lived through the inequities of a discriminatory government, deserve to be remembered as the heroes they are. Nothing less would be acceptable.

From Pasadena's Progressive Spirit Began With Pioneers 

Clockwise from top left—some of the city's abolitionist forebears: Ruth Brown Thompson, Benjamin F. Ball, Jabez Banbury, Thomas Foulds Ellsworth, Jason Brown, Amos G. Throop. 

Thomas' brother Timothy Ellsworth

                                                  

Thomas' brother William Ellsworth

                                           

Thomas' sister Mary Houghton Ellsworth

  John Smith Titus 1780-1868

Sally Boyton Titus 1784-1871

                              

Benjamin Ellsworth with children in Ipswich

                                          

The Jacobs Family & Salem Witch Trials 1692

From The Archives Salem Witch Trials

Warrant v. George Jacobs Sr.
To: The Constables in Salem.
You are in theire Majests names hereby required to apprehend and forthwith bring before vs. George Jacobs Sr of Salem, And Margaret Jacobs the daughter of George Jacobs Junr of Salem Singlewoman Who stand accused of high suspicion of sundry acts of witchcraft by them both Committed on sundry persons in Salem to theire great wrong and Jnjury and hereof faile not. Dated Salem May 10th. 1692.

From Salem Town Records, Volume II, page 269
Pasture of the Northfield Men. This tract of common land was leased for one thousand years to John Green, John Leach (son of Richard Leach) and John Bachilder, all of Salem, Feb. 1, 1677.1 John Tompkins, John
Waters, sr., John Foster and George Jacobs, all of Salem, husbandmen, appear to have been the owners in 1677.1 Though it is probable that some division of this tract of land was made in fact, a legal partition was not made until March 2, 1707, when John Leach, Samuel Leach, John Batchelder, Jonathan Batchelder, Josiah Batchelder, John Foster, John Waters, Richard Waters, Nathaniel Tompkins, Joseph Jacobs (in behalf of his father George Jacobs) and Samuel Foster agreed to divide it.2 This was done March 27, 1708.

From SALEM WITCHCRAFT
With an Account of Salem Village and A History of Opinions on Witchcraft and Kindred Subjects

No account has come to us of the deportment of George Jacobs, Sr., (c.1620–1692) at his execution. As he was remarkable in life for the firmness of his mind, so he probably was in death. He had made his will before the delusion arose. It is dated Jan. 29, 1692; and shows that he, like Procter, had a considerable estate. Bartholomew Gedney is one of the attesting witnesses, and probably wrote the document. After his conviction, on the 12th of August, he caused another to be written, which, in its provisions, reflects light upon the state of mind produced by the condition in which he found himself. In his infirm old age, he had been condemned to die for a crime of which he knew himself innocent, and which there is some reason to believe he did not think any one capable of committing. He regarded the whole thing as a wicked conspiracy and absurd fabrication. He had to end his long life upon a scaffold in a week from that day. His house was desolated, and his property sequestered. His only son, charged with the same crime, had eluded the sheriff,—leaving his family, in the hurry of his flight, unprovided for—and was an exile in foreign lands. The crazy wife of that son was in prison and in chains, waiting trial on the same charge; her little children, including an unweaned infant, left in a deserted and destitute condition in the woods. The older children were scattered, he knew not where, while one of them had completed the bitterness of his lot by becoming a confessor, upon being arrested with her mother as a witch. This grand-daughter, Margaret, overwhelmed with fright and horror, bewildered by the statements of the accusers, and controlled probably by the arguments and arbitrary methods of address employed by her minister, Mr. Noyes,—whose peculiar function in these proceedings seems to have been to drive persons accused to make confession—had been betrayed into that position, and became a confessor, and accuser of others. Under these circumstances, the old man made a will, giving to his son George his estates, and securing the succession of them to his male descendants. But, in the mean while, without his then knowing it, Margaret had recalled her confession, as appears from the following documents, which tell their own story:—

"The Humble Declaration of Margaret Jacobs unto the Honored Court now sitting at Salem showeth, that, whereas your poor and humble declarant, being closely confined here in Salem jail for the crime of witchcraft,—which crime, thanks be to the Lord! I am altogether ignorant of, as will appear at the great day of judgment,—may it please the honored Court, I was cried out upon by some of the possessed persons as afflicting them; whereupon I was brought to my examination; which persons at the sight of me fell down, which did very much startle and affright me. The Lord above knows I knew nothing in the least measure how or who afflicted them. They told me, without doubt I did, or else they would not fall down at me; they told me, if I would not confess, I should be put down into the dungeon, and would be hanged, but, if I would confess, I should have my life: the which did so affright me, with my own vile, wicked heart, to save my life, made me make the like confession I did, which confession, may it please the honored Court, is altogether false and untrue. The very first night after I had made confession, I was in such horror of conscience that I could not sleep, for fear the Devil should carry me away for telling such horrid lies. I was, may it please the honored Court, sworn to my confession, as I understand since; but then, at that time, was ignorant of it, not knowing what an oath did mean. The Lord, I hope, in whom I trust, out of the abundance of his mercy, will forgive me my false forswearing myself. What I said was altogether false against my grandfather and Mr. Burroughs, which I did to save my life, and to have my liberty: but the Lord, charging it to my conscience, made me in so much horror, that I could not contain myself before I had denied my confession, which I did, though I saw nothing but death before me; choosing rather death with a quiet conscience, than to live in such horror, which I could not suffer. Where, upon my denying my confession, I was committed to close prison, where I have enjoyed more felicity in spirit, a thousand times, than I did before in my enlargement. And now, may it please Your Honors, your declarant having in part given Your Honors a description of my condition, do leave it to Your Honors' pious and judicious discretions to take pity and compassion on my young and tender years, to act and do with me as the Lord above and Your Honors shall see good, having no friend but the Lord to plead my cause for me; not being guilty, in the least measure, of the crime of witchcraft, nor any other sin that deserves death from man. And your poor and humble declarant shall for ever pray, as she is bound in duty, for Your Honors' happiness in this life, and eternal felicity in the world to come. So prays Your Honors' declarant,

Margaret Jacobs."

The following letter was written by this same young person to her father. Let it be observed that her grandfather had been executed the day before, partly upon her false testimony.

"From the Dungeon in Salem Prison.

"August 20, 1692.

"Honored Father,—After my humble duty remembered to you, hoping in the Lord of your good health, as, blessed be God! I enjoy, though in abundance of affliction, being close confined here in a loathsome dungeon: the Lord look down in mercy upon me, not knowing how soon I shall be put to death, by means of the afflicted persons; my grandfather having suffered already, and all his estate seized for the king. The reason of my confinement is this: I having, through the magistrates' threatenings, and my own vile and wretched heart, confessed several things contrary to my conscience and knowledge, though to the wounding of my own soul; (the Lord pardon me for it!) but, oh! the terrors of a wounded conscience who can bear? But, blessed be the Lord! he would not let me go on in my sins, but in mercy, I hope, to my soul, would not suffer me to keep it any longer: but I was forced to confess the truth of all before the magistrates, who would not believe me; but it is their pleasure to put me in here, and God knows how soon I shall be put to death. Dear father, let me beg your prayers to the Lord on my behalf, and send us a joyful and happy meeting in heaven. My mother, poor woman, is very crazy, and remembers her kind love to you, and to uncle; viz., D.A. So, leaving you to the protection of the Lord, I rest, your dutiful daughter, Margaret Jacobs."

A temporary illness led to the postponement of her trial; and, before the next sitting of the Court, the delusion had passed away.
The "uncle D.A.," referred to, was Daniel Andrew, their nearest neighbor, who had escaped at the same time with her father. She calls him "uncle." He was, it is probable, a brother of John Andrew who had married Ann Jacobs, sister of her father. Words of relationship were then used with a wide sense.
Margaret read the recantation of her confession before the Court, and was, as she says, forthwith ordered by them into a dungeon. She obtained permission to visit Mr. Burroughs the day before his execution, acknowledged that she had belied him, and implored his forgiveness. He freely forgave, and prayed with her and for her. It is probable, that, at the same time, she obtained an interview with her grandfather for the same purpose. At any rate, the old man heard of her heroic conduct, and forthwith crowded into the space between two paragraphs in his will, in small letters closely written (the jailer probably being the amanuensis), a clause giving a legacy of "ten pounds to be paid in silver" to his grand-daughter, Margaret Jacobs. There is the usual declaration, that it "was inserted before sealing and signing." This will having been made after conviction and sentence to death, and having but two witnesses, one besides the jailer, was not allowed in Probate, but remains among the files of that Court. As a link in the foregoing story, it is an interesting relic. The legacy clause, although not operative, was no doubt of inexpressible value to the feelings of Margaret: and the circumstance seems to have touched the heart even of the General Court, nearly twenty years afterwards; for they took pains specifically to provide to have the same sum paid to Margaret, out of the Province treasury.

She was not tried at the time appointed, in consequence, it is stated, of "an imposthume in the head," and finally escaped the fate to which she chose to consign herself, rather than remain under a violated conscience. In judging of her, we cannot fail to make allowance for her "young and tender years," and to sympathize in the sufferings through which she passed. In making confession, and in accusing others, she had done that which filled her heart with horror, in the retrospect, so long as she lived. In recanting it, and giving her body to the dungeon, and offering her life at the scaffold, she had secured the forgiveness of Mr. Burroughs and her aged grandfather, and deserves our forgiveness and admiration. Every human heart must rejoice that this young girl was saved. She lived to be a worthy matron and the founder of a numerous and respectable family.

George Jacobs, Sr., is the only one, among the victims of the witchcraft prosecutions, the precise spot of whose burial is absolutely ascertained.

The tradition has descended through the family, that the body, after having been obtained at the place of execution, was strapped by a young grandson on the back of a horse, brought home to the farm, and buried beneath the shade of his own trees. Two sunken and weather-worn stones marked the spot. There the remains rested until 1864, when they were exhumed. They were enclosed again, and reverently redeposited in the same place. The skull was in a state of considerable preservation. An examination of the jawbones showed that he was a very old man at the time of his death, and had previously lost all his teeth. The length of some parts of the skeleton showed that he was a very tall man. These circumstances corresponded with the evidence, which was that he was tall of stature; so infirm as to walk with two staffs; with long, flowing white hair. The only article found, except the bones, was a metallic pin, which might have been used as a breastpin, or to hold together his aged locks. It is an observable fact, that he rests in his own ground still. He had lived for a great length of time on that spot; and it remains in his family and in his name to this day, having come down by direct descent. It is a beautiful locality: the land descends with a gradual and smooth declivity to the bank of the river. It is not much more than a mile from the city of Salem, and in full view from the main road.

From New England Magazine Volume 6

                                   Site of Beadle Tavern

The Jacobs Family. The history of the Jacobs family in connection with the witchcraft persecutions is peculiarly interesting. George Jacobs, Sr., George Jacobs, Jr., and his wife Rebecca and daughter Margaret, were all accused. The old man must have been about seventy years of age or more, for he had long, flowing white hair. He lived on a farm in what was then known as Xorthfields, and in Salem rather than Salem Village, but on territory now included in the town of Danvers.
The exact site was near the mouth of Endicott or Cow House River, the first of the three rivers one crosses in driving from Salem to Danvers. Jacobs was evidently a man of some property, and probably a good average citizen; but, like most of the others who fell under suspicion of witchcraft, and for that matter, many of their neighbors, he had had a little trouble which brought him into court. The records show that in 1677 he was fined for striking a man. His son, George, Jr., three years earlier, was sued by Nathaniel Putnam to recover the value of some horses that he had chased into the river, where they were drowned. The court found against Jacobs. On the tenth day of May, 1692, Hathorne and Corwin issued a warrant "to the constable of Salem," directing him to apprehend George Jacobs, Sr., of Salem, and Margaret Jacobs, daughter of George Jacobs, Jr., of Salem, single woman. On the same day, Joseph Neal, " constable for Salem," returned that he had apprehended the bodies of George Jacobs, Sr., and Margaret Jacobs. They were taken to Salem that day, and the examination of the old man was begun at once.

After some preliminary questions and the usual " sufferings" of the afflicted, the report continues, Jacobs saying:

"1 am as innocent as the child born tonight. I have lived 33 years here in Salem. "What then? —If you can prove that I am guilty I will lye under it. Sarah Churchill said, last night I was afflicted at Deacon Ingersoll's, and Mary Walcott said, it was a man with 2 staves. It was my master.

"Pray do not accuse me. I am as clear as your worships. You must do right judgements. "What book did he bring you, Sarah? —The same book that the other woman brought. "The devil can go in any shape. "Did he not appear on the other side of the river and hurt you? Did not you see him? — Yes, he did.

"Look there, she accuseth you to your face, she chargeth you that you hurt her twice. Is it not true? — What would you have me say? I never wronged no man in word nor deed.

"Here are 3 evidences. — You tax me for a wizzard. You may as well tax me for a buzzard. I have done no harm.

"Is it not harm to afflict these?—I never did it. "But how comes it to be in your appearance? — The devil can take any license.


"Not without their consent.— Please your worships, it is untrue, I never showed the book I am silly about these things as the child born last night.

"That is your saying. You argue you have lived so long, but what then, Cain might (have) lived so long before he killed Abel and you might live long before the devil had so prevailed on you. — Christ hath suffered 3 times for me.

"What three times? — He suffered the cross and gal —

"You had as good confess (said Sarah Churchill) if you are guilty.

"Have you heard that I have any witchcraft?

"I know that you lead a wicked life.

"Let her make it out."Doth he ever pray in his family?

"Not unless by himself.

"Why do you not pray in your family?—I cannot read.

"Well you may pray for all that. Can you say the Lord's prayer? Let us hear you.

"He might [missed?] in several parts of it & could not repeat it right after many trials.

"Sarah Churchill, when you wrote in the book you was showed your master's name you said. — Yes sirr.



Trask House

"Well, burn me or hang me I will stand in the truth of Christ. I know nothing of it."

This examination, begun on the 10th, was suspended for some reason before completion, and finished on the nth. On that day the accusing girls were present in full force. Among them was Sarah Churchill, who gave positive evidence against the prisoner. Subsequently, Sarah Ingersoll deposed.

"That seeing Sarah Churchill after her examination, she came to me crying, and wringing her hands, seemingly much troubled in spirit. I asked her what ailed her. She answered she had undone herself. I asked in what. She said in belying herself and others in saying she had set her hand to the devil's book whereas she said she never did. I told her I believed she had set her hand to the book. She answered and said, no, no, no. I never, I never did. I asked her then what made her say she did. She answered because they threatened her, and told her they would put her into the dungeon and put her along with Mr. Burroughs, and thus several times she followed me up and down telling me she had undone herself, in belying herself and others. I asked her why she did not deny she wrote it. She told me because she had stood out so long in it, that now she durst not. She said, also, that if she told Mr. Noyes but once she had set her hand to the book, he would believe her, but if she told


the truth, and said she had not set her hand to the book a hundred times he would not believe her."

George Herrick testified that in May he went to the jail and searched the body of Jacobs. He found a tett under the right shoulder a quarter of an inch long. He ran a pin through it, but "there was neither water, blood, nor corruption, nor any other matter, and so we make return." The following document is also among the papers:

"wee whose names are under written having received an order from ye sreife to search ye bodyes of George Burroughs and George Jacobs wee find nothing upon ye body of ye above sayd Burroughs but wt is naturall but upon ye body of George Jacobs wee find 3 tetts wch according to ye best of our judgements wee think is not naturall for wee run a pinn through 2 of ym and he was not sincible of it one of them being within his mouth upon ye inside of his right cheak and 2d upon his right shoulder blade and a 3d upon his right hipp. Ed Welch sworne John Flint jurat Will Gill sworne Tom West sworne Zeb Gill jurat Sam Morgan sworne John Bare jurat. demnation the sheriff's officers went to his house and seized all his goods, and even took his wife's wedding ring. The jury found Jacobs guilty, and he was sentenced to the gallows, and executed on August 19.' After his con1 Jacobs was buried on his farm in Danversport, where his grave may be seen at this day. The remains were exhumed about 1864. examined, and redeposited in the earth, where they had lain for nearly two centuries.

In the mean time, warrants were issued, on May 14, for George Jacobs, Jr.




Site of John Procter's House, Peabody. and his wife Rebecca Jacobs escaped. When the constables took Rebecca she had four young children in her home. Some of them followed her on the road, but being too young to continue far, they were left behind, and cared for by the neighbors. Rebecca Jacobs was kept in irons eight months, then indicted and brought to trial on January 3, 1693. She was promptly acquitted. In the mean time touching petitions had been presented to the chief justice by the mother, and to Governor Phips, praying for her release. They were of no avail. The woman was kept in a dungeon, half fed and uncared for beyond what was necessary to sustain life, through the long winter months. Her treatment was in keeping with that of other victims. In cruelty and barbarity it must be frankly said that it finds parallel only in the acts of the savages of the forests.
Margaret Jacobs, to save herself from punishment, acknowledged that she was a witch and testified against her grandfather, and also against Mr. Burroughs. Find a Grave by Nareen

Orchards in Colonial America & the Early Republic

A Share from Barbara Wells Sarudy and her blog American Garden History Blog

Most colonists planted at least a few fruit trees or a larger orchard as soon as possible, when they settled on their land. An orchard is an enclosed garden used to grow fruit trees which provided both food and drink to the colonial family.

Cider was one of the most important drinks of the colonial period. Growing barley for beer, or any other traditional European grains that the settlers might have been accustomed to raising, required the use of a plow. Because the colonists' lands were freshly cleared; stumps remained dotting the landscape, and the use of a plow was nearly impossible.

In 1655, Adrian Van der Donck observed, "The Netherlands settlers, who are lovers of fruit, on observing that the climate was suitable to the production of fruit trees, have brought over and planted various kinds of apples and pear trees which thrive well...The English have brought over the first quinces, and we have also brought over stocks and seed which thrive well and produce large orchards."


In Jamestown, Virginia, it was reported that by 1656, "Orchards innumerable were planted and preserved." Jamestown, more than many other settlements, needed to grow domestic fruit to convert into a safe liquid to drink. Illness was a serious problem in early Jamestown due, in part, to the settlers' drinking water from shallow wells often polluted by the risky high water table. The colonists did not seem to mind the mellowing alcohol content of the quickly fermented apple juice either.

A 1 to 6 acre apple orchard became a rather common feature on farmsteads & plantations in the British American colonies. Apples were grown primarily for their juice, which was the most common colonial beverage of choice, because well-water generally was regarded as unsafe. Everyone in the family drank the hard cider year-round, and most families produced 20 to 50 barrels of cider each autumn for their own consumption & to use as barter for other goods & services.

Peach Blossoms

Some settlers also converted distilled cider into "applejack," which was even stronger than hard cider. The first hand-cranked cider mills appeared in the colonies around 1745. Prior to this cider was made by pounding apples in a trough & draining the pomace.

Gabriel Thomas wrote of Pennsylvania in 1698, "There are many Fair and Great Brick Houses on the outside of the Town which the Gentry have built for their Countrey Houses... having a very fine and delightful Garden and Orchard adjoining it, wherein is variety of Fruits, Herbs, and Flowers."

On a visit to Williamsburg, Virginia, in 1722, Hugh Jones noted that, "the Palace or Governor's House, a magnificent structure built at the publick Expense, finished and beautified with Gates, fine Gardens...Orchards."

A house-for-sale adverisement in the South Carolina Gazette in June of 1736, in Charleston, touted the orchard as a strong selling enticement, "To be Sold A Plantation containing 200 Acres...An orchard well planted with peach, apple, cherry, fig and plumb trees: a vineyard of about two years grownth planted with 1200 vines: a nursery of 5 or 600 mulberry trees about two years old, fit to plant out."

Pear Blossoms

In April of 1742, Eliza Lucas Pinckney wrote in South Carolina, "I have planted a large figg orchard with desighn to dry and export them. I have reckoned my expense and the prophets to arise from these figgs."

Peter Kalm noted on his travels through North America on September 18, 1748, "Every countryman, even a common peasant, has commonly an orchard near his house, in which all sorts of fruit, such a peaches, apples, pears, cherries, and others are in plenty."

By the middle of the 18th century, a wide variety of orchard trees was available to the general public. William Smith advertised trees he was growing in his nursery in Surry County, Virginia, in the 1755 Williamsburg newspaper, as did Thomas Sorsby of Surry County in 1763.


In 1755, orchardist William Smith offered, "Hughs’s Crab, Bray’s White Apple, Newton Pippin, Golden Pippin, French Pippin, Dutch Pippin, Clark’s Pearmain, Royal Pearmain, Baker’s Pearmain, Lone’s Pearmain, Father Abraham, Harrison’s Red, Ruffin’s large Cheese Apple, Baker’s Nonsuch, Ludwell’s Seedling, Golden Russet, Nonpareil, May Apple, Summer Codling, Winter Codling, Gillefe’s Cyder Apple, Green Gage Plumb, Bonum Magnum Plumb, Orleans Plumb, Imperial Plumb, Damascene Plumb, May Pear, Holt’s Sugar Pear, Autumn Bergamot Pear, Summer Pear, Winter Bergamot, Orange Bergamot, Mount Sir John, Pound Pear, Burr de Roy, Black Heart Cherry, May Duke Cherry, John Edmond’s Nonsuch Cherry, White Heart Cherry, Carnation Cherry, Kentish Cherry, Marrello Cherry, Double Blossom Cherry, Double Blossom Peaches, Filberts Red & White."

Nurseryman Thomas Sorsby had available in 1763, "Best cheese apple, long stems, Pamunkey, Eppes, Newtown pippins, Bray’s white apples, Clark’s pearmains, Lightfoot’s Father Abrahams, Sorsby’s Father Abrahams, Lightfoot’s Hughes, Sorsby’s Hughes, Ellis’s Hughes, New-York Yellow apples, Golden russeteens, Westbrook’s Sammons’s, horse apples, royal pearmains, a choice red apple, best May apples, Sally Gray’s apple, Old .England apple, green apple, Harvey’s apple, peach trees [Prunus persica], and cherry trees."

In 1756, from Annapolis, Maryland, Elizabeth Brook wrote to her son Charles Carroll, who was attending school in England and France, "This place... is greatly improved, a fine, flourishing orchard with a variety of choice fruit." Charles Carroll of Annapolis and his son annually put away vast quantities of cider for their family and servants. In 1775, the elder Carroll put away 190 casks of "cyder" (he estimated 22,800 gallons) for the coming year.

Apple Blossoms

Peter Hatch, who managed Monticello's grounds, reports that, "between 1769 & 1814 Thomas Jefferson planted as many as 1,031 fruit trees in his South Orchard. This orchard formed a horseshoe-shape around the two vineyards & berry squares. It was organized into a grid pattern, in which he planted 18 varieties of apple, 38 of peach, 14 cherry, 12 pear, 27 plum, 4 nectarine, 7 almond, 6 apricot, and a quince.

"The earliest plantings, before 1780, reflect the experimental orchard of a young man eager to import Mediterranean culture to Virginia, and included olives, almonds, pomegranates, & figs. However, the mature plantings after 1810, included mostly species & varieties that either thrived through the hot, humid summers & cold, rainy winters of central Virginia, such as seedling late-season peaches or Virginia cider apples."

In 1782, Michel Guillaume Jean de Crèvecœur (1735–1813) described drying apple slices on wooden platforms erected on poles. The fruit was spread out on wooden boards, where it was soon covered with "all the bees and wasps and sucking insects of the neighborhood," which he felt accelerated the drying process. The dried apples were used in preparing a variety of dishes throughout the year. Peaches & plums were also dried but were considered more of a delicacy & were saved for special occasions. Many families stored their dried apples in bags hung high in building rafters to keep them dry & away from mice.

J. F. D. Smyth described Williamsburg, Virginia, in 1784, "Plantations are generally from one to four or five miles distant from each other, having a dwelling house in the middle... at some little distance there are always large peach and apple orchards."


In 1796, New Englander Amelia Simmons published the first truly American cookbook, American Cookery. Her view of the raising of apples had more to do with morality than with functionality.

"Apples are still more various, yet rigidly retain their own species, and are highly useful in families, and ought to be more universally cultivated, excepting in the compactest cities. There is not a single family but might set a tree in some otherwise useless spot, which might serve the two fold use of shade and fruit; on which 12 or 14 kinds of fruit trees might easily be engrafted, and essentially preserve the orchard from the intrusions of boys, &c. which is too common in America.

If the boy who thus planted a tree, and guarded and protected it in a useless corner, and carefully engrafted different fruits, was to be indulged free access into orchards, whilst the neglectful boy was prohibited--how many millions of fruit trees would spring into growth--and what a saving to the union. The net saving would in time extinguish the public debt, and enrich our cookery."

English agriculturalist Richard Parkinson noted in 1798, Baltimore, Maryland, "My orchard contained about six acres, three of which were planted with apples, the other three with peaches of various sorts."

In the 1790s, Captain John ODonnell (1749-1805) settled in Baltimore, Maryland, naming his country seat after his favorite port of call, Canton. And account of Canton given by a visitor noted that O"Donnell had planted orchards of red peaches on his 2500 acre estate in hopes of manufacturing brandy for trade but had met with limited financial success.

"For although Mr. O'Donnell's orchard had come to bear in great perfection and he had stills and the other necessary apparatus, the profit proved so small that he suffered the whole to go to waste and his pigs to consume the product."



A house-for-sale advertisement in the 1800 Federal Gazette in Baltimore, Maryland, described, "That beautiful, healthy and highly improved seat, within one mile of the city of Baltimore, called Willow Brook, containing about 26 acres of land, the whole of which is under a good post and rail fence, divided and laid off into grass lots, orchards, garden...The garden and orchard abounds with the greatest variety of the choicest fruit trees, shrubs, flowers...collected from the best nurseries in America and from Europe, all in perfection and full bearing."

Rosalie Stier Calvert devoted a great deal of attention to establishing an orchard at her home Riversdale in Prince George County, Maryland. In 1804, she “planted a large number of all the varieties of young fruit trees I could find, and I am going to fill the orchard with young apple trees everywhere there is room.”

She worried that “it is impossible to buy any good pear trees from the nurseries. They sell bad pears under good names.” She first asked her father to send her peaches & pears from Europe, but soon realized it would not be practical. Instead, her father suggested that she buy pear trees in Alexandria, Virginia, for her garden “which had real soil for pears,” and water them with buckets of cow urine. She had already transplanted “a Seigneur pear tree,” which her father had grafted in Annapolis.

By 1805, she wrote, “We are getting much better at the art of gardening, especially with fruit trees which we planted a large collection of this year. You would scarcely recognize the orchard. The manure which was applied there in 1803 improved it greatly, and young trees have been planted where needed.” In addition to fruit trees, she planted currants & raspberries in her orchard.

Keeping apples overwinter in America during the 18th & 19th centuries was important and theories abounded about the proper method.

New Yorker John Nicholson wrote in The Farmer's Assistant in 1820, "In gathering apples, for Winter-use, they should be picked from the tree, and laid carefully in a heap, under cover, without being bruised. After they have sweated, let them be exposed to the air and well dried, by wiping them with dry cloths; then lay them away in a dry place where they will hot freeze. The time requisite for sweating will be six, ten, or fifteen days, according to the warmth of the weather.  

The fruit should not be gathered till fully ripe, which is known by the stem parting easily from the twig. It should also be gathered in dry weather and when the dew is off...

"It is confidently asserted by many, that apples may be safely kept in casks through Winter, in a cold chamber, or garret, by being merely covered with Linen cloths."
John Beale Bordley had written An Epitome of Mr. Forsyth's Treatise on the Culture and Management of Fruit Trees in 1804, noting that William Forsyth wrote "the most complete method of saving them, so as to preserve them the greatest length of time, is to wrap them in paper and pack them away in stone jars between layers of bran; having the mouths of the jars covered so close as to preclude the admission of air, and then keep them in a dry place where they will not be frozen."

In the 1790s, Samuel Deane wrote in his New England Farmer of his method of preserving Winter apples, "I gather them about noon on the day of the full of the moon which happens in the latter part of September, or beginning of October. Then spread them in a chamber, or garret, where they lie till about the last of November. Then, at a time when the weather is dry, remove them into casks, or boxes, in the cellar, out of the way of the frosts; but I prefer a cool part of the cellar. With this management, I find I can keep them till the last of May, so well that not one in fifty will rot...

"In the Autumn of 1793, I packed apples in the shavings of pine, so that they scarcely touched one another. They kept well till some time in May following; though they were a sort which are mellow for eating in December. Dry sawdust might perhaps answer the end as well. Some barrel them up, and keep them through the Winter in upper rooms, covering them with blankets or mats, to prevent freezing. Dry places are best for them."




New Yorker John Nicholson suggested some amazing cures--including chalk, bloody meat, raw eggs, & milk--for American cider in The Farmer's Assistant in 1820, "Cider may be kept for years in casks, without fermenting, by burying them deeply under ground, or immersing them in spring water; and when taken up the cider will be very fine.

"A drink, called cider-royal, is made of the best runing of the cheese, well clarified, with six or eight gallons of French brandy, or good cider brandy, added to a barrel: Let the vessel be filled full, bunged tight, and set in a cool cellar, and in the course of a twelvemonth it will be a fine drink. If good rectified whiskey be used, instead of brandy, it will answer very well.

"A quart of honey, or molasses, and a quart of brandy, or other spirits, added to a barrel of cider, will improve the liquor very much, and will restore that which has become too flat and insipid. To prevent its becoming pricked, or to cure it when it is so, put a little pearl-ashes, or other mild alkali, into the cask. A lump of chalk broken in pieces, and thrown in, is also good. Salt of tartar, when the cider is about to be used, is also recommended.

"To refine cider, and give it a fine amber-color, the following method is much approved of. Take the whites of 6 eggs, with a handful of fine beach sand, washed clean; stir them well together; then boil a quart of molasses down to a candy, and cool it by pouring in cider, and put this, together with the eggs and sand, into a barrel of cider, and mix the whole well together. When thus managed, it will keep for many years. Molasses alone will also refine cider, and give it a higher color; but, to prevent the molasses making it prick, let an equal quantity of brandy be added to it. Skim-milk, with some lime slacked in it, and mixed with it, or with the white of eggs with the shells broken in, is also good for clarifying all liquors, when well mixed with them. A piece of fresh bloody meat, put into the cask, will also refine the liquor and serve tor it to feed on.

"To prevent the fermentation of cider, let the cask be first strongly fumigated with burnt sulphur; then put in some of the cider, burn more sulphur in the cask, stop it tight and shake the whole up together; fill the cask, bung it tight, and put it away in a cool cellar.

"To bring on a fermentation, take 3 pints of yeast for a hogshead, add as much jalup as will lie on a sixpence, mix them with some of the cider, beat the mass up till it is frothy, then pour it into the cask, and stir it up well. Keep the vessel full, and the bung open, for the froth and foul stuff to work out. In about 15 days, the froth will be clean and white; then, to stop the fermentation, rack the cider off into a clean vessel, add two gallons ot brandy, or well-rectified whiskey, to it, and bung it up. Let the cask be full, and keep the venthole open for a day or two. By this process, cider that is poor, and ill-tasted, may be wonderfully improved...

"To cure oily cider, take one ounce of salt of tartar, and two and a half of sweet spirit of nitre, in a gallon of milk, for a hogshead. To cure ropy cider, take six pounds of powdered allum, and stir it into a hogshead; then rack it off and clarify it.

"To color cider, take a quarter of a pound of sugar, burnt black, and dissolved in half a pint of hot water, for a hogshead; add a quarter of an ounce of allum, to set the color.

"Cider-brandy mixed with an equal quantity of honey, or clarified sugar, is much recommended by some lor improving common cider; so that, when refined, it may be made as strong, and as pleasant, as the most of wines."

Portraits of Americans with Fruit Grown on Trees

Throughout the 18th century, artists painted portraits of British colonials & early Americans holding fruits that the viewer might reasonably suppose came from the trees in their orchards. Some scholars look to period emblem books and attribute complicated symbolism to each type & quantity of fruit depicted in these portraits. Some do not. Here are a few of my favorite portraits containing tree fruit as props.

1679 painting to Thomas Smith (1650-1691 Mrs. Richard Patteshall (Martha Woody) and Child
 
                        1732 Detail. John Smibert (1688-1751). Jane Clark (Mrs. Ezekiel Lewis)

                        1750 Detail. Charles Bridges (1670-1747). Mrs Augustine Moore.

             1750 Detail. Joseph Badger. Portrait of Elizabeth Greenleaf of Charlestown.

1755 Detail. Joseph Blackburn (flu in the colonies 1753-1763). Isaac Winslow and His Family.

                   1757 Detail. John Wollaston (1710-1775). Probably Elizabeth Dandridge.

     1767 Detail. James Claypoole (1743-1814). Ann Galloway (Mrs Joseph Pemberton).

      1769 Detail. John Singleton Copley (1738-1815) Martha Swett (Mrs Jeremiah Lee).

1769 Detail. John Singleton Copley (1738-1815). Elizabeth Murray (Mrs. James Smith).

                      1771-73 Detail. Charles Willson Peale (1741-1827). The Peale Family.

1771   John Singleton Copley (1738-1815). Elizabeth Lewis (Mrs. Ezekiel Goldthwait).

1772 Charles Willson Peale (1741-1827). General John Cadwalader, his First Wife, Elizabeth.

1773 Detail. John Singleton Copley (1738-1815). Hannah Fayerweather (Mrs. John Winthrop).

             1774 Detail. Charles Willson Peale (1741-1827). Isabella and John Stewart.

1774 painting attributed to Ralph Earl (1751-1801). Elizabeth Perscott (Mrs. Henry Daggett)

1785 Detail. Charles Willson Peale (1741-1827). Ann Marsh (Mrs David Forman) & Child.

1787 Detail. Charles Willson Peale (1741-1827). Deborah McClenahan (Mrs. Walter Stewart).

       1788 Charles Willson Peale (1741-1827) Benjamin & Eleanor Ridgley Laming.

            1788 Detail. Charles Willson Peale (1741-1827). William Smith & Grandson.

                               1795 Detail. James Peale (1749-1831). Artist & His Family.

                            1720 Detail. Nehemiah Partridge. Wyntje Lavinia Van Vechten.

                                         1729 Detail. John Smibert. The Bermuda Group.

    1747-1749 Detail. Robert Feke (1707-1751). Mary Channing (Mrs. John Channing).

                          1760-65 Detail. Joseph Badger (1708-1765). Sarah Badger Noyes.

   1769 Detail. John Singleton Copley (1738-1815). Elizabeth Storer (Mrs. Isaac Smith).

            1772 Detail. Winthrop Chandler (1747-1785). Eunice Huntington Devotion

                       1775 Detail. Henry Benbridge (1743-1812). Archibald Bullock Family.

                            1785 Detail. Ralph Earl (1751-1801). Callahan Children.

1785-90 Beardsley Limner Sarah Bushnell Perkins Elizabeth Davis (Mrs. Hezekiah Beardsley).

                                    1798 Detail. Ralph Earl. Mrs. Noah Smith and Her Children.

                                         1800 Detail. Anonymous Artist. Emma Van Name.